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(Re)building South Sudan: Challenges Ahead

South Sudan’s path towards independence began in 1956 when Sudan liberated itself from Anglo-Egyptian rule. Following independence, South Sudanese rebels fought the Muslim majority in the North in a civil war that lasted until 1972. Conflict resumed in 1983, when President Jaafar Nimeiri imposed Sharia law in the South and revoked its political autonomy. In 2005, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed, leading to the 2011 referendum that granted sovereignty to South Sudan.

However, the peace in South Sudan did not last long as violence emerged less than three years after the country became independent. Violence began in December 2013 when those loyal to former Vice-President Riek Machar took up arms against President Salva Kiir. The recent conflict has been fueled by the entrenched ethnic rift between the Nuer and the Dinka, as well as geopolitical interests in oil – the main source of revenue for the young South Sudanese state. Since the conflict broke out, “massacres, genocidal violence, widespread rape and other atrocities” have been committed by both sides.

As food and health crises emerge, achieving a sustained peace and building functional institutions from this fragile scenario seems to be one of the most pressing political challenges of this decade. However, reversing this process must begin with a deeper understanding of the challenges on the road ahead, and how the international community can constructively contribute to the situation without imposing their agendas into this new-born nation, striving to emancipate itself from neocolonial dynamics and define its own path to peace and prosperity. These are the challenges ahead on the road to rebuilding South Sudan.

The State

Despite originating from a democratic choice, the government of South Sudan grew from a former rebel faction—the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). This factor has had two negative and interrelated effects upon the politics of reconstruction.

This conflict has reinforced the need to question the overarching rationale upon which government, institutions, and foreign-led partnerships have been set up and the prioritization of the state over nation-building.

Firstly, as some would argue, the government suffers from the ‘liberation curse’ in which “rebel movements that win freedom are often very badly suited to the more mundane process of governing a state”. In a peaceful and democratic environment, such governments struggle to maintain a functional democracy based on transparency at the institutional level, providing the public with the goods it needs, and generating economic opportunities representing the expected ”peace dividends.”

Secondly, in conjunction with vast oil reserves, a circular pattern emerged of corruption and nepotism that ended up concentrating the wealth in the hands of the few. Both issues have eroded state/society relations and undermined political authority.

Civil society

These pressing challenges also stem from the lack of representation of civil s